Abstract：
With reference to past research and new sources, this paper attempts to classify the ports of mid-19th-century Taiwan into a three-level hierarchy, namely match official ports and minor ports, which are traditional ones, and treaty ports opened for international trade exchange after 1860. In terms of government policy, size and changes in trade network, these ports had mutually subordinate market spheres and yet they are independent in external trade with foreign countries, thus creating a dual trade system between regions. Owing to their difference in geography, accessibility, market size and trade volume, the commodities traded, merchant organizations, trade network and system in these economic spheres varied widely. Towards the end of the 19th century, traditional ports continued to maintain direct trade with coastal cities of China, concentrating mainly in Fujian district. Hence, they had all along been dependent on the China market and were not much exposed to the western impact. At match official ports, cross-strait merchants and firms operated under the cooperative commissioning system and maintained close business ties with mutual investments. On the contrary, commercial investments at minor ports were restricted to local businesses and trade exchange was mainly handled by supercargo responsible for the sale and purchase of merchandize transported by junks. The opening of treaty ports certainly marked a turning point in Taiwan’s trade development. With Lugang as the demarcation, the island was divided into two market spheres, one in the north and one in the south, each with two international ports handling external global trade. There existed wide differences in trade operations between traditional ports and international treaty ports. Traditional ports served as subsidiaries to treaty ports and imported international merchandise and foreign goods through them. With traditional junks replaced by steamers as the main means of transportation, international merchandise including tea, sugar and camphor were gathered at treaty ports for exports to other countries in the East and West. Western companies and financial institutions sprang up bringing in new technologies and novel capital flow mechanisms. The former trade network also expanded from the Fujian hub to the entire world, ushering Taiwan into the global economic system. Increase in international trade volume implied huge flow of money and capital, and traditional approaches to settling payments by cash or offsetting were no longer practicable and fell short of meeting the needs for global business exchange. Native banks and remittance banks, long popular in China proper, first appeared in Taipei. It is worthy to note that Taiwanese merchants with local competitive advantages gradually gained control over the production and export of international merchandise. Their rapid accumulation of wealth put them on equal par with western companies, enabling them to be engaged directly in international trade. They set up western-style companies and ran their business with western corporate management practices. The rise of these local merchants with power and influence surpassing that of Chinese and foreign ones reflected the growth of Taiwan’s own economic strength.

Keywords：Treaty Ports, Match Official Ports, Minor Ports, Guilds, Western Company, Remittance Banks

Abstract：
Taiwan has been one of the best performers among latecomers in the postwar period. Addressing the question of how it achieved such fast growth, this paper explores the origins of its first-generation industrial elites. During the colonial days, the Japanese government did promote industrialization, though limited to sugar refining and military support industries and with predominance of Japanese conglomerates. With the defeat of Japan in the Second World War, these modern industries were taken over by the Nationalist government and were maintained as state-owned-enterprises. Nonetheless, the Nationalist government did not expand the SOEs and instead promoted private enterprises in the targeted light industries, especially the textile industry. The government also allocated franchise rights in restricted markets, such as cement and insurance sectors, to existing local interests so as to consolidate its political rule. The list of the top 51 business groups in 1971 showed that one third of the industrial elites came from the Mainland and most of them had prior manufacturing experience; while the rest were local elites who had mostly commercial or no experience at all. These novices had to rely upon the government’s industrial policy for initiation into industrialization. One third of the entrepreneurs were involved in the textile industry, and many were granted monopoly franchises by the government. The above findings reveal the significant impact of the government policy in promoting industrialization, implementing land reform and allocating privileges on Taiwan’s economic development in early postwar years.

Keywords：Industrialization, First-Generation Entrepreneurs, Taiwan’s Economic Development, Japanese Colonial Rule, Nationalist Government, Continuity Thesis

Abstract：
The civil war of China ended in 1949 with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) founded in Beijing and the Republic of China (ROC) retreated to Taiwan. The confrontation of these two regimes resulted in a divided China. While the PRC claimed herself as the legitimate government succeeding the ROC and enjoyed effective control of the Mainland, the ROC still regarded herself as the legal government after the downfall of Qing Dynasty and her legitimacy did not end with the retreat to Taiwan. Hence, both regimes were fiercely engaged in diplomatic struggles for the “sole legitimate” status. The fight for representation in the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in 1952 was the first cross-Strait diplomatic warfare. With the withdrawal of the PRC from the IOC around 1960, the international legal status of the ROC was more or less secured. However, with no effective control over the field of sports, the IOC considered neither regime representative of each other. Hence, the IOC adopted the principle of “de facto controlled athletic area” in its Charter to regulate the membership of the PRC and ROC in the IOC. IOC asserted that “since Taiwanese did not administer sport in China, the Republic of China was to taken off the IOC membership list. However, if it chose to reapply for admission under another name the application would be considered.” This provoked severe protest from Taiwan. Although the ROC was forced to reapply for membership under “Republic of China Olympic Committee”, Taiwan still claimed to be the sole legitimate representative of China. This triggered the name ROC rectification campaign in the IOC. As demanded by IOC, Taipei had to give up her original membership title of “Chinese Olympic Committee”, and to recognize her control over the field of sports only in Taiwan. Faced with such change in status, the ROC on the one hand reapply for admission to the IOC as “Republic of China Olympic Committee, ROCOC”, and on the other hand, campaigned for effective control over the field of sports in the PRC. While the application for membership succeeded, the title was refused by the IOC. The bone contention remained the inclusion of ‘China’ in the title. The IOC was suspicious of Taiwan’s intention to extend the “de facto controlled athletic area” to Mainland China. To continue the fight, The ROC government through the Central Committee of KMT formed the Name Rectification Committee with the Sports Federation of the Republic of China as the convener and with members including the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Lobbying thus began through the support of overseas consulates and targeted at not only the IOC president and committee members, but also the participants of annual IOC executive committee meetings held in Baden-Baden, Innsbruck and Tokyo. Two achievements were eventually made. First, it was resolved at the Baden-Baden meeting that that “ROC” could be embroidered on athletes’ sportswear; and second, it was agreed at the Tokyo meeting that “Republic of China” in Chinese characters could be added under the word “TAIWAN” in English on the nameplate of the ROC delegation. Hence, the humble wish of the ROC was granted. Nevertheless, besides athletes from countries in East Asia using Chinese characters, most of the foreign athletes from western countries would hardly see the difference, nor understand its meaning or significance. 1960 to 1964 saw persistent efforts of the ROC in name rectification in the IOC but with little success. The same plight was suffered in her other battles in the international arena. The culture and value of status and rank provided the impetus to ROC’s name-rectification campaign.

Keywords：Republic of China Olympic Committee, International Olympic Committee, Tokyo Olympiad, National Olympic Committee, Name Rectification, de facto controlled athletic area

Abstract：
The so-called “Independent State of Taiwan” or “Independent Taiwan” for short refers to the establishment of Taiwan (including Taiwan and Penghu Islands or Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Machu Islands) as an independent sovereign state. The concept of sovereignty originated in modern Europe, it is thus natural that Taiwan began to have a relatively clear, persistent and modern advocacy for an independent state only after the Second World War. However, are the pre-modern instances of an Independent Taiwan cited by the activists well justified? Furthermore, can one regard the liberalization and democratization of “the Republic of China on Taiwan” as a realization of an Independent Taiwan? Opinions on these two issues vary widely. This article holds the view that the 228 Incident has always been the most important origin of the twentieth-century Taiwan Independence Movement. Under the strict and harsh conditions after the imposition of Martial Law in 1949, the Movement split into two different paths of development. One was shaped by intellectual exiles in Japan and America, such as Liao Bun-gei, Wang yu-de, Huang chao-tang, Jay Loo, Tsai Tung-zong, who made significant contributions to the organization and theory of the Movement; while the other geared toward staging continuous political events for that cause within Taiwan. With the exception of the “Proclamation of Self-Salvation” put forward by Peng Min-ming and his students, which bore theoretical significance, other advocates did not have the opportunity to promote concretely independence for Taiwan. The meaning of their existence lay more in shouldering the hardship of the time, manifesting that the KMT government represented an “unfree China” and a “foreign regime”. The uplifting of the Martial Law, the abolishment of restriction on party formation, and the era of Li Teng-hui all contributed to the evolvement of Taiwan as what many people considered an already independent sovereign state. After their respective transfor-mation in the 1990s, both the KMT and the DDP put forward a plethora of ideas such as “the already Independent State theory”, “the not-yet Independent State theory”, “the American dominion theory” and “the Independent State of the R.O.C theory”. These many schools of thoughts reflected mainly the contemporary complicated and confusing situation across the Straits as well as the intricate relationship between Taiwan, America and China. Nevertheless, the basic political tone of the KMT and the DDP is Chinese nationalism vs. Taiwanese nationalism, though for the sake of winning votes, they have to take a more neutral rather than extreme stance. In the light of historical context and with reference to political science and international law, this article explores previous perspectives and analyzes the present controversy, attempting both to clarify and evaluate the origins and development of the Taiwan Independence Movement.

Keywords：228-incident, provisional government of the “Republic of Taiwan”, Liao Bun-gei, Su Beng (Shih Ming), Peng Min-ming, Chen Lung-chi, World United Formosans for Independence

Abstract：
Under the concerted efforts of researchers in Taiwan history, the Conference on Taiwan History Research had been held in the past two years, with the objectives of establishing the tradition of scholastic critique, exploring directions for future research, and forming communities for academic discussion and exchange. With reference to the “2008 Conference on Taiwan History Research” organized by the Graduate Institute of Taiwan History, National Chengchi University; Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica; and Institute of Taiwan History, National Taiwan Normal University, this article describes the research findings of 2008. They are classified into four main categories, namely general works, politics, economics and social culture. The article also makes comments on the results obtained and proposes directions for future historical studies. The research results of Taiwan history in 2008 are plentiful, though there are still flaws and deficiencies. Three possible directions for future research that merit consideration and exploration are as follows. (1) Historical studies should be conducted over a larger region and with a wider perspective using a longitudinal or comparative approach. Research on Taiwan history should also be connected with studies of neighboring countries and the East Asian region as well as world history. (2) Taiwan historical research should be a trans-disciplinary research and with distinct boundary and autonomy from different disciplines. (3) Controversial issues should be transformed into academic exchange, the pattern of academic critique and evaluation should be established, thus ameliorating the situation of historical studies being used as a political instrument.

Keywords：Taiwan History, Historical Materials, Biographies, Political History, Economic History, Socio-cultural History

Abstract：
Yi-ling Lee, Chien-chung Huang, Sing-lin He ABSTRACT Taiwan Forestry Archives (1895-1975) kept by the Forestry Bureau contain important historical materials of Taiwan from the late Japanese colonial era to postwar years. In April 2005, the Forestry Bureau began an collaboration with the Institute of Taiwan History, Academia Sinica on the digital archives program. The digital database of all archives was completed in early 2010 and is made available through access at the “Taiwan Archival Information System”. This article first introduces the background of the archives, giving details on the development of forestry during Japanese colonization and in the aftermath of the Second World War as well as the history of related institutions. It then presents the contents of the archives including documents from the Taiwan Development Company and Nanpou Forestry Company as well as official papers concerning forestry management and the transfer and take-over of its management. Finally, this article highlights the historical significance of the archives and possible research directions in the hope of enhancing the academic value and usability of the digital database.

Keywords： Archives, Taiwan Development Company, Forestry, Forest Products Manage -ment, Nanpou Forestry Company