Abstract：
Since the Meiji Restoration, Japan modeled German medicine to build her own medical system. The colonial government brought the newly-appeared Japanese medicine to Taiwan after 1895, but faced necessary alterations due to the different situation and the needs of the colonial rule. Generally speaking, this paper begins with Japanese medical modernization followed by three dimensions of the colonial medicine in Taiwan. First, medicine’s role as a ‘tool of Japanese colonialism’ is the most familiar theme to Taiwanese historians. Their principal concern was with the health of the Japanese in Taiwan. This paper has done much to reveal new factors of this dimension. Medicine has also been viewed as an instrument of ‘social control’ in the colony, providing means of ‘knowing’ the indigenous environment, and rationales for social segregation. In this paper, these took the form of selective and degrading medical education and intervention. Finally, the third major theme of this paper concerns contradictions and rivalries within the Japanese medicine itself, and they way in which these were illustrated by the development of Taiwanese medicine. I concluded that the colonial government imported some characteristics of German and Japanese medicines to Taiwan, but periodically altered the development of Taiwanese medicine by non-medical reasons. By the end of the 01930s, Taiwanese medicine grafted Japanese medicine and formed several unique characteristics itself. In short, this paper reveals the colonial features of Taiwanese medicine, the complexity of colonial medicine, and a discourse of ‘medicine as a quasiscience.’

Abstract：
The world War is the biggest war in human history. Being a Japanese colony at that time, Taiwan could not help involving with the war. Some Taiwanese volunteered and some were forced to join the army, even went to overseas. Besides, Taiwan itself was attacked by air and blockaded by sea, which cause great damages and losses. This paper discusses about four points; the first, the allies army’s military action toward Taiwan; secondly, the damage situation from air attack; the third, the losses during the blockade period; and the fourth, the war experience of Taiwanese. From 1938 to the end of the World War, there were air forces from Soviet Uion, China and the United States, who had bombed and spied Taiwan. Especially the U.S. air force’s bombing after 1944, they made terribly damages to Taiwan. According to many investigations, American’s air attack hit cities, traffic, industry facilities and sanitation heavily, and killed many person. Moreover, the allies army’s blockade caused great losses of Taiwan’s agriculture production and reduced foreign trade, supply of goods and materials, etc. Besides, the experience of war is filled with many oral traditions and literature, which contained with fear, surprise, anger and against the war. Through suffering from the war, the war experiences became memories of all Taiwanese. After analyzing many statistics of Japanese and Chinese data, the result shows that Taiwan suffered tremendous war damage. Particularly, those developments of cities, industry, traffic and sanitation, which had been thought to be very successful in Japanese colonial period and representing the accomplishment of modernization of Taiwan, were nearly gone with the war. Of course, some facilities could be rebuilt by Taiwan itself, but in many ways it had to rely on the help from the Nationalist China, especially with funds. Without those supports, it was impossible to reconstruct. After all, the serious damages of war in Taiwan are beyond imagination; they hit the economy of Taiwan heavily and lasted, even in the first few years after the war.

Abstract：
This paper aims at exploring the history of the Nan-shih Amis from the seventeenth century to the nineteenth century by employing the documents left by the Dutch East India Company ( Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie orVOC) in the seventeenth century and those in Chinese since the eighteenth century. The first objective is to reconstruct the settlements of the Nan-shih Amis in different historical profiles. Then, I explore the population structure of the Nan-shih Amis and further endeavor to offer an acceptable interpretation to the late nineteenth-century society of the Nana-shih Amis based the demographic data available in the documents. Finally, I treat the settlement as the basic nit and further try to investigate the possible transformation of the power structure of the village blocks within the Nan-shih Amis between the seventeenth century and the late nineteenth century.

Abstract：
This paper describes and analyzes the Chinese land reclamation process in the vicinity of Erhlin. Basing on historical and field data, the reasons behind the migration of aboriginal peoples as well as the relationship between pressures of Chinese settlement and aboriginal migration are discussed. (1) Aboriginal tribes were accustomed to moving about according to their life style. However, such practice of moving stopped after the arrival of Han Chinese. For this reason, Chinese reclamation process was not only the main cause for aboriginal migration but also posed limitation to the life space available for the naives. After the nineteenth century, the aboriginal peoples could not continue to move about unless they found a new place, such as the P’u-li Basin, for them to migrate. (2) The more the land were reclaimed by the Han, the fewer the land owned by the natives. However, the infertile dry farmlands and the low-lying area, both being unfit for cultivation, remained in the hands of the aborigines. Nevertheless, the former which could be improved by agricultural technology were more valuable than the latter. That is why the Erhlin natives who owned dry farmlands eventually moved to P’u-li Basin in the late nineteenth century while most of the Ta-t’u natives remained in the low-lying areas, not reclaimed by Han Chinese. (3) Conventional ideas attributed aboriginal migration simply to the loss of their land rights in the reclamation process. However, instead of driven by poverty, it was the wealthy native people who were able to migrate. The reason why Ta-t’u tribe rebuilt their village in the low-lying areas after the flood instead of moving away was because they only had limited financial resources. On the contrary, the wealthier Erhlin tribe who own their properties and were sinicized decided to resettle in the P’u-li Basin. What exactly motivated their pigration remained unclear. However, since P’u-li Basin was still dominated by native culture, that prompted their moving might be their desire to find a better life space away from the Han domination.