Abstract：
This article explores the role played by an influential family, the Pan-ch’iao Lin Pen-yuan clan, in the development of northern Taiwan mountain areas during the Ch’ing period. Chinese migrants penetrated into Taiwan mountain areas on an expanding scale during the first half of the eighteenth century. Influential families played an important role in the frontier opening venture. Some succeeded while others failed. The frontier policies in the Ch’ing period can be divided into three stages. In the first stage, the Ch’ing government maintained a rigid boundary between the Han and aboriginal people, restricting the Han people to one side of the boundary and the aborigines to the other. This was known as “hua-chieh feng-shan”(demarcation and territorial segregation) policy. During this period, Lin P’ing-hou, the founder of the Pan-ch’iao Lin Pen-yuan clan in Taiwan, started to invest in the mountain area afer his retirement from an official post in Kuang-his province. Around 1828-29 he moved his family from Hsin-chuang (in Taipei county) to Ta-ko-K’an (Ta-his of T’ao-yuan county) with an eye to reclaiming the wasteland in the mountain area. His two sons, Kuo-hua and Kuo-fang, carried on the venture after his death in 1884. However hard their efforts had been, the reclamation work made only little progress and they were even forced to move back to the lowland area at Pan-ch’iao (in Taipei county). The reasons for the setback are various. The lack of official protection against the threats of mountain aborigines is probably the main reason, though poor agricultural conditions are certainly another factor. The second stage took place when the government played the main role in opening the mountain area. This began in 1875 after the Japanese invasion of southern Taiwan. During this period, the effort to reclaim the mountain area made only little progress in spite of government encouragement and military support, which involved large spendings and high costs of human lives. The main reason is that influential families of Taiwan were not successfully motivated to take part in risky investment without being entrusted with sufficient power and privileges. In the third stage, after Taiwan was established as a province in 1885 when the Sino-French was ended, Liu Ming-ch’uan, the first provincial governor, started a large-scale frontier-opening and pacification project. He adopted a policy of official-gentry cooperation, entrusting political power and economic privileges to some influential families, such as the Pan-ch’iao Lin Pen-yuan clan was appointed Assistant Administrator for Pacification and Frontier-opening (Fu-k’en pang-pan), he had both power and interest to put the policy into practice thoroughly. As a result, the new land was reclaimed, and camphor processing and tea growing were expanded. Became so prosperous that it soon surpassed southern Taiwan to become the new economic center. Therefore, it can be said the official-gentry cooperation policy launched by Governor Liu Ming-ch’uan and the influential clans such as Lin Pen-yuan contributed a great deal to the success of mountain development project in the Ch’ing period.

Abstract：
This paper represents one of a series of studies on the experiences of overseas Chinese living in Taiwan (T’ai-wan hua-ch’iao台灣華僑). Such individuals were citizens of the Ch’ing dynasty and the Republic of China who settled in Taiwan after May 8,1897—according to the Treaty of Shimonoseki, the date by which all residents of Taiwan had to choose between retaining Chinese citizenship or becoming citizens of Japan (living in its colony of Taiwan). In this paper, I will examine the experiences of these overseas Chinese in Taiwan through a case study of how these men invested in a business located in China, the Fu-hsing Motor Company of Foochow (northern Fukien), during the years 1931-1936. Although I have a gathered a large amount of data, including contemporary newspaper articles and personal accounts of some of these overseas Chinese, I have as yet been unable to obtain Fu-hsing Motor Company’s own records. I intend to make up for this gap in further research. Investment in companies located in China on the part of overseas Chinese in Taiwan was stimulated by the ROC government’s promulgation in 1929 of a series of regulations designed to encourage overseas Chinese investment in construction, transportation, manu-facturing, agricultural, and mining projects. As a result, Kao Ming-hung高銘鴻, based on his own experience of running a motor company in Taipei, decided to take advantage of the Fu-hsing Motor Company’s reorganization and stock offering by pooling his resources with those of other overseas Chinese in Taiwan to invest in that company. The scale of their investments enabled Kao to serve as the company’s general manager and chairman of the board. However, these events provoked a strongly negative reaction on the part of Chinese investors who already held stock in the company, who viewed Kao and his compatriots as little better than Japanese loyalists and frowned on their participation in company affairs. These “old” stockholders frequently attempted to tie Kao’s hands, while the autoworkers staged strikes. This, combined with a decline in the quality of the company’s personnel, led to a management crisis. To make matters worse, the “old” stockholders had Kao framed and jailed. He could only obtain his release after signing a statement relinquishing his chairmanship and agreeing to sell his stake in the company to the “old” stockholders at a 60 percent discount. Following his release, Kao and his compatriots attempted to sue the “old” stockholders, but the subsequent outbreak of the War of Resistance against Japan in 1937 brought an abrupt end to their efforts. This setback served to discourage overseas Chinese in Taiwan from making any future investments in their ancestral homeland.

Abstract：
This article comprises two parts. The first is devoted to reconstructing the process in which young Taiwanese were gradually drawn into Japans war effort. Two months after Marco Polo Incident, Japanese colonial government in Taiwan began to recruit Taiwanese as military porters and interpreters to serve the Japanese military on Chinese mainland. Later on in 1942 the so called Army Volunteer System came into existence, which recruited a thousand or so of young Taiwanese to join the Army as regular servicemen. It recruited yearly. The following year witnessed the implementation of the Navy Volunteer System. Finally in early 1945 general conscription was implemented in Taiwan. By the end of the war, Taiwanese serving in the military totaled 207183, among whom 80433 were regular military men and 126750 were military employees. In the early period of the Sino Japanese War, Taiwanese military porters and employees were sent to Central and South China. After the break of the Pacific War, many Taiwanese went to Southeast Asia ( commonly known as Nanyō at that time ) to fight for Japanese Empire. Some were dispatched as far as Rabaul in New Britain and the Solomon Islands. Their number was in total 61591. The second part of this article describes how Taiwanese fought in Southeast Asia during the Pacific War. After the war ended, Taiwanese who scattered all over Japans fronts experienced very different home returning. Those who came back from the Hainan Island went through the most terrible ordeal. Taiwanese veterans suffered the loss of Japanese nationality and the confusion of national / cultural identity. They are the biggest losers in the postwar transition.

Abstract：
Free China magazine is viewed as a representative magazine of the liberalism and democratic movement on Taiwan in the fifties. The concepts of freedom and democracy in Free China were not formatted from the beginning but developed with the political changes. This article also illustrates its position in Taiwanese history of thought at the time and the limitations of its view in comparison of the concepts of classical liberalism and democracy in the West. The result of this article shows that the idea of Free China, whether freedom or democracy, is opposite to the authoritarian regime. With the arrest of Lei Chen, Free China was eventually shut down. There fore, the concept of Free China was in the vanguard and played a perceptive role in Taiwan at the time. From theoretical point of view, Free China’s concept of state instrumentalism is close to classic liberalism; however its advocacy of human rights. Its concept of democracy is far from the ideal types of democracy in the West. Nonetheless, its advocacy of establishment of an opposition party made it uncable to exist in Taiwan at the time. This also implies the lack of external condition for its concept of democracy to develop further.