Abstract：
　　Professor Joseph Beal Steere (1842-1940) was among the first scholars to acquire some Sinkang manuscripts. These deeds and contracts written in romanized Siraya come from southern Taiwan mostly of the eighteenth century, but they were only recently rediscovered in the Museum of Anthropology of the University of Michigan, where they had lain since Steere's retirement or death. In February 1999, Professor Henry Wright, curator of archaeology and professor of anthropology at the university, forwarded to me some 20 photocopied pages of the Sinkang manuscripts to determine whether the originals were of any value and therefore worth conserving. My assistant, Miss Chin-wen Chien, and I found that two of them were already contained in Murakami (1933:52, 67), that two were simply lists of personal or place names, that another was written in Chinese, but that the rest were of some interest and had never appeared in print before. These latter are in the Siraya language. They are hand-written documents on heavy hand-made paper, dating somewhere between 1730 and 1810. We have been studying these to see if there is anything new to be learned from them. 　　Fortunately we do have a few resources to aid our interpretation of these newly- uncovered Siraya texts: (1) The 21 bilingual Siraya-Chinese documents contained in Murakami's 1933 collection of 101 Sinkang manuscripts; (2) a wordlist and glosses for some of Murakami's texts prepared by the late Professor Naoyoshi Ogawa; (3) recent linguistic studies of Siraya by Adelaar (1997, 1999, 2000) and Tsuchida (1996, 1999) that provide a good basis for understanding Siraya grammar. Unfortunately, many problems still remain with the texts under consideration. 　　Interpreting the texts was made particularly difficult by the following points: (1) Siraya is an extinct language, and there are no native speakers to consult; (2) many words have never been encountered before and their meanings are unknown; (3) word boundaries are not always evident; (4) spelling is inconsistent; (5) it is difficult to distinguish the letter <d> from <w>, <k> from <h>, <s> from <h>, <i> from <j>, or <a> from <o>; or (6) some of the handwriting is simply illegible. 　　The system of personal names comes out clearly in these documents. The naming system of Siraya is similar to that of Kavalan, a closely related language. As is true for other Formosan languages, Siraya distinguishes between male and female names. Each person has both a given name and surname. 　　The latest Sinkang manuscript was written in 1818; the 80 year-old Siraya woman whom Steere consulted in 1873 could only remember a few dozen words, but no sentences. We surmise that the Siraya language became extinct around 1830.

Keywords：Siraya, Sinkang manuscripts, naming system, extinct language, transcription

Abstract：
　　This paper describes the origins of tribal taxes and the function of a government-created tribal boundary on the Pingtung plain during the Qing period. I also analyze land contracts of the Dalou tribe to illuminate the relationship between tribal people's living conditions and the transformation of indigeneous property rights. I argue that the tribal taxes recorded in local Qing gazetteers were mostly deduced from quotas established under the Ming loyalist regime of the Zhengs. These tax records appear to be a register of the tribal population, yet in fact, they are actually records of tax quotas and do not reflect the actual population of the tribe. Although these tax records detailed a fixed number of men and women liable to taxation, in practice the government levied taxes on the entire tribe and not on individuals. In addition to government taxation, the creation of a tribal boundary affected the local tribes. Qing local officials erected boundary markers along the foothills of the Dawu Mountain chain after the Zhu Yigui rebellion of 1721. I argue that some members of the Dalou tribe sold their land to join a new reclamation project near the boundary line while simultaneously maintaining ownership over older fields around the banks of the Gaoping river (a.k.a. lower Tamsui river). As a result of extensive contact with Chinese settlers and the Qing state, tribal peoples like the Dalou adopted the customary property rights practices of the Chinese settlers. Indigenes began to monetize their rights to cultivate lands for money through mortgages, redemptions, and outright sales.

Keywords：Dutch East India Company, Dalou tribe, tribal tax, tribal boundary, property rights

Abstract：
　　In 1903 Japan held "The Fifth National Exhibition for Encouraging Trade and Industry" at Osaka. This was the first time Japan could exhibit their ruling efforts after seizing Taiwan in 1895, and in this context, the Taiwan Pavilion became the most focal point of the exhibition site. In order to further the mutual understanding between Taiwan and Japan, the colonial government called together a large number of Taiwanese gentlemen who went to Japan to visit the Exhibition. How did Japan present her first colony? In what vision did the Japanese fairgoers look and catch on Taiwan? How did the Taiwanese gentlemen watch and perceive the representing image of the Taiwan Pavilion, the exhibition site, and the landscape of Japan? Our first finding is that the idea of Ino Kanori, the designer of the Taiwan Pavilion, did not conform to that of the colonial government. This contradiction reflects the heterogeneity of colonial knowledge between the bureaucrat and scholar, and the designer and fairgoer. A large number of Japanese fairgoers still considered Taiwan as the land of "the barbarian and bandit" even after they visited the Taiwan Pavilion. However, the main merits of the exhibition, "shokusan kogyo (encouraging industry)" and "bunmei kaika (civilization and enlightenment)," were successfully transmitted to the Taiwanese fairgoers. Incompatibly, when they went back to Taiwan with these merits and tried to promote education and the economic environment, the colonial government hedged them about. Although the Osaka Exhibition offered the "shokusan kogyo" merit to both the Japanese and Taiwanese fairgoers, the Taiwanese did not have the same benefit as their Japanese counterparts. The fantastic site of the exhibition was, by and large, a true representation of "heterotopia of deviation" between the colony and the empire proper.

Keywords：exhibition, fair for encouraging industry and trade, Osaka, shokusan kogyo (encouraging industry), bunmei kaika (civilization and enlightenment), cultural history of Taiwan society during the Japanese colonial Era

Abstract：
Before the 228 Uprising, there were many fierce debates among officials and Taiwanese people in newspapers and journals throughout the year of 1946. The authority censured that Taiwanese had been "enslaved" from fifty years of colonization by Japanese, and they further insisted that Taiwanese should not be treated equally before being "Chinesized". Taiwanese intellectuals strongly counterattacked and deemed that the officials were making an excuse for their maladministration. At the same time, the intellectuals reevaluated the legacy of Japanese rule over the island. 　　This article examines the process of the debate over "T'ai-jen nu-hua" and argues that, first, Chen Yi's postwar governing policies implicated huge discrimination. The "Chinesization" policy was just another appearance as the same thinking mode as the old colonizer. To Taiwanese, all this meant that "restore to the mother country" was nothing but being "recolonized by a compatriot". Second, the censure of "T'ai-jen nu-hua" seriously hurt Taiwanese people's dignity. Humiliated Taiwanese elites intended to therefore acknowledge the difference between "us" and "them" from the colonized past. Namely, the discourse of "modernization through Japanese ruling" became a counter-argument to the condemnation of "T'ai-jen nu-hua". 　　This article also points out Taiwanese intellectuals' assertion about the subjectivity of Taiwanese culture. In despair of mainland Chinese governing and thus the enhancement of a self-governing consciousness, the island's Chinese identity withered away before the 228 Uprising.

Keywords：decolonization, recolonization, assilimation, the debate over "T'ai-jen nu-hua", national identity

Abstract：
The archeological site at Pan-t'ou, located on the southern bank of Taiwan's Peikang Stream, is situated on what is traditionally regarded as the historic location of the Ch'ing Dynasty's Deputy Administrative Office of Chu-lo and Pen-kang Counties. Excavated in 1999 by the National Museum of Natural Science, the site revealed objects crafted from a variety of different materials, including bronze, glass, stone, bone, and ceramic. The largest single category of objects was ceramics, which totaled over 5000 individual items and shards. Based on the appearance and stratal relationship of these ceramic pieces, the archeological report dated the site and its contents to a period spanning the years 1730 to 1820. Following textual evidence, the report further suggested that the site was abandoned in the wake of a disastrous flood that occurred during the reign of the Chia-ch'ing emperor (1796-1820). The primary purpose of the present essay is to compare datable ceramic samples found in foreign collections with matching pieces from the Pan-t'ou site. This comparison will demonstrate that the chronology of the site can and should be expanded to as early as the Yung-cheng reign (1723-1735) and as late as the Tao-kuang reign (1821-1850). This extended chronology proves that the Chia-ch'ing flood did not cause the abandonment of the site, and that the local inhabitants continued to utilize the area following the disaster.

Keywords：Taiwan, Pen-kang, P'an-tou-ts'un site, Ch'ing ceramics