This article depicts how Dutch language developed in the colonies and settlements of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) through its linguistic policies during the Early Modern Era when the company started commercial and colonial expansions in the region of Monsoon Asia. The authour then focuses on Dutch learning in the context of missionary and educational activities, among the Taiwan Indigenous Peoples from the central to southern Taiwan.
The Company’s domain under discussion includes the Moluccas and Java in Island Southeast Asia, as well as Ceylon in South Asia where the Company set governors as the chair of offices; additionally, Japan stood for the example of learning Dutch in an economically important factory. The former represented the unsuccessful ending of the promotion of Dutch language under local linguistic surroundings with must more often used lingua franca, Malay and Portuguese. The latter provided an active model motivated by the practical necessity of commerce and the prerequisite of the fact that the Dutch as the only cultural mediators when Japan isolated itself from the world. The Shogun ordered scholars to learn Dutch. However, Dutch learning also attracted other intellectuals interested in new knowledge spread from Europe, and they finally found the study of rangaku leading to the opening of country in the nineteenth century.
Taiwan had been seen as the most outstanding case of Dutch learning compared to other areas where the Company operated its policies of Dutch education for the local people, though Formosan language situation was not simple at that time. By analyzing extant indigenous orthographic materials, the author investigates lexical borrowing and its
historical connection by language contact. The study reveals the following phenomena: First, the influence of Tagalog and Malay in Siraya. Second, the Minan Dialect as a foreign language can be the most frequently adopted and bastardized in both Siraya and Favorlang during the Dutch period of Taiwan. Third, even though the Dutch had not
established a school in Paiwanese region, it was possible for the Paiwanese to preserve more Dutch linguistic elements due to their own social-cultural institutions as a hierarchical society. The last, one example of “pa” concerning tax-farms introduced by the Company showed the adoption of Dutch words in Minan Dialect and Paiwanese
language. Furthermore, its idea of meaning and even related activities continued in present-day southern Taiwan, which may be perceived as the part of Dutch legacy in Formosa.
Keywords：Dutch Language, Dutch East India Company (VOC), Colonial Linguistics, Taiwan Indigenous Peoples, Monsoon Asia
Zhuqian Area in Face of Tremendous Socio-Economic Challenges in Second Half of Nineteenth Century
This paper examines a widely accepted view regarding the late Nineteenth-Century Taiwan. When discussing the economic boom brought by the growing export of tea, sugar and camphor after the opening of treaty ports in the early 1860s, it is pervasively perceived that Taiwan benefitted greatly from the economic progress and successive administrative reforms. However, by looking at the specific case of the Zhuqian area and its agricultural economy in the decades before and after the opening of treaty ports, the author finds that differentiation between regions was often hidden behind the seemingly prevailing prosperity. Zhuqian’s economy, for example, remained mostly agricultural. Her
trade and subsequent development were yet subject to a late-Qing Taiwan power structure which was molded by treaty port regulations, the successive administrative establishments, and numerous reforms enforced by Taiwan Governor Liu Mingchuan after the 1860s. These elements had led to a widening gap between Zhuqian and Taipei after the 1870s. In other words, even though the Zhuqian area also profited from the economic expansion in the post-treaty port era, it is also obvious that the Zhuqian society was marginalized, especially in comparison with the contemporary development in the Taipei area.
Focusing on the emergence and development of venues serving western cuisine in Taiwan during the Japanese colonial era (1895-1945), this article explores the conditions under which the western cuisine business developed, and how the Taiwanese perceived western cuisine in their dining consumption practices.
Western cuisine was introduced by the Japanese in the early colonial period, but the number of western restaurants grew slowly, far from serving as important public venues, with the exception of “Railway Hotel,” which was a representative site where formal western cuisine was served. Until the 1930s, café and tea house offering western snacks, drinks and light meals burgeoned and became popular settings where western and Japanese ambience were blended. With the proliferation of café, the association of western chefs was also established in 1932. However, western restaurants in Taiwan were less viewed as formal dining venues and had weak connection with the idea of
modernization and civilization. Instead, they were regarded as casual eating places where consumers could have food and fun at a lower price compared with local traditional dining establishments. Western restaurants and “western cuisine” in colonial Taiwan was largely a Japanese adaptation under the social conditions of a colony. This article suggests that the linkage between western civilization and modernization is not self-evident but influenced by the structure and power relations in a society.
Keywords：Western Cuisine, Consumption Practice, Cultural Practice, Café, Culinary History
Taiwan Educational Policy during Late JapaneseColonial Era: A Case Study of Compulsory Education System
With reference to “Gaimusho Myogadani Kenkyusho Kyuzo Kiroku” and
newspapers, this study traces the policy-making process of introducing compulsory
education in Japanese colonial Taiwan, and explores how the major financial problem
was solved. Moreover, this paper also describes the expansion of compulsory
education and the reactions of the local society.
Despite having been proposed since Japan colonized Taiwan, the compulsory
education issue was only taken seriously in the 1930s. Its implementation was
fostered by the first local elections to be held in 1935, making not only the local elite
but also the colonial government sense the urgency of introducing compulsory
education. Added to this reason was the great need for human resources to meet
wartime mobilization. Hence, the Bureau of Culture and Education set up a new
investigation department to survey on the related issues. According to their reports
and suggestions, the colonial government established an Interim Education
Commission to draft the concerned policies. Approved by the Advisory Council of the
Governor-General of Taiwan, the “Compulsory Education Guidelines” were
promulgated and then put to practice in 1943.
The years between 1939 and 1943 witnessed tremendous growth of education
facilities in each locality. The number of classes increased by 4,000 and the enrolment
rate of school-age children rose from 50% to 70%. The funding for such large-scale
expansion came mainly from the government but the general public who yearned for
more education opportunities also made considerable financial contribution.
This paper discusses the reason why the Guangdong Hoklo-speaking people,
originated from Chaozhou and Huizhou prefectures in southeast Guangdong province,
were thought to “have disappeared” in the history of Taiwan. Tracing the presence of
Guangdong Hoklos in today’s Pingtung Plain of southern Taiwan reveals the
transformation in their assertion of self-identity. Such transformation can be attributed to
the changes in ethnic group classification approach by the sovereign state. Under Qing
rule, people were classified on the basis of their native place while the Japanese colonial
government distinguished ethnic groups according to the language they spoke.
Furthermore, the relationships between Guangdong Hoklos and other ethnic groups were
ambiguous. At times, they allied with the Minnan migrants against the Hakka group while
in fact they shared similar cultures with the Hakkas, such as the worship of Han Yu and
the cult of the Three Mountain Kings, both of which are taken as unique Hakka religious
beliefs in Taiwan. Through investigating the categorization and identity of the Guangdong
Hoklos in Pingtung Plain, the author argues that the mechanism of ethnic creation in
Taiwan and how the State treated these three different ethnic groups had contributed to
bringing about the impression of their “disappearance”.