Abstract：
　　This paper aims at exploring the history of the changing regional village powers of the Amis or the Pangtsah within the north and mid-section of the Hua-tung Valley in the 1640s and the 1650s by employing the documents left by the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie or VOC). The paper first reconstructs the geography of settlements described by the Dutch sources and further investigates the relationship between the seventeenth-century settlements and the clan and village identities of the Amis. I then treat the settlements as the basic unit and further try to investigate both the possible transformation of the regional powers and their geographical boundaries of expansion within the north and mid-section of the Hua-tung Valley in the 1640s and the 1650s.

Keywords：:Formosan Austronesians, Amis, History of Taiwan, Hualien

Abstract：
　　This paper investigates the problems emerged from the land ownership and official solution during the time when the Government-General of Taiwan attempted to put the rinya (forest and wild land which were un-registered, whether under reclamation or un-reclaimed) under control. The author considers that the Qing Government held a very simple attitude by limiting the management of territory to merely the idea of "reclamation" and "prohibit." The Qing Government granted reclamation permits, which allowed people to actively cultivate land. The government then classified the developed land into paddy and dry fields so developers could take the land. On the other hand, The Qing Government never minded those un-developed land and prohibited areas. 　　During the Japanese rule, the Government-General of Taiwan tried to put all lands of Taiwan under control. On the one hand, the Government admitted people's rights to use the land according to the types and proper registration. On the other hand, it named the un-reclaimed and un-registered land as rinya. Although under the land management during the Qing Dynasty, they were not allowed to own rinya, people had obtained some kinds of legal rights to use rinya under the reclamation permit system. Since their claims were not legally strong enough to declare their ownership on rinya, the Government-General of Taiwan worked out a unique system called engokanke-rinya (occupation relationship) to classify and arrange these rinya lands. 　　In conclusion, under the consideration of maintaining political stability and satisfying people's demand in ownership, the Government-General of Taiwan not only continuously adjusted its principles, trying to make all the rules more flexible, but also used such a moral reason as "goodwill" to conclude a very generous explanation to those illegal forest land occupants since the Qing times. Through these, the government expected to control over rinya smoothly and overwhelmingly.

Keywords：rinya, colonial control, arrangement of land ownership, land administration, engokanke

Abstract：
　　The 1936 Movement to Remake Folk Customs (Minfu Sakko Undo) in Taiwan laid the foundation for the Movement for the General Spiritual Mobilization of All Japanese (Kokumin Seishin Sodoin Undo), launched empire-wide in 1938.　A key to understanding the nature of the Movement to Remake Folk Customs is through the spatial analysis of Agricultural Implementation Associations (nogyo jikko kumiai), which involve both cooperate persons (if defined strictly) and individuals (if broadly defined). 　　It is commonly assumed that the buraku shinkokai (Sub-Village Revival Associations) were organized along the lines of the hoko.　While this observation remains largely valid, a closer look at the 1936 Movement to Remake Folk Customs reveals, however, that the picture was somewhat more complex.　Briefly, oaza (sub-village zones), along with hoko, were two key concepts for conceptualizing the spatial structure of the sub-village level administration in rural Taiwan during the latter part (1920-1945) of the Japanese colonial rule─depending on regional variations. 　　In principle, the 1936 Movement to Remake Folk Customs in Taiwan was organized─as were many other movements within the Japanese empire─along the administrative hierarchy.　Thus, each prefecture had a prefectural association (shu minfu sakkokai), each county a county association (gun minfu sakkokai), each township or village a matching association (gai or shu minfu sakkokai), and each oaza or hoko (pao-chia) unit a buraku shinkokai.　Similarly, the implementation of the Movement to Remake Folk Customs varied in accordance with locality. 　　As soon as the Movement to Remake Folk Customs was launched, various agricultural groups in most prefectures were soon brought under the unified supervision of Agricultural Implementation Associations, most of which were newly created.　The primary goal of Agricultural Implementation Associations was to revive Taiwan's economy, and in doing so they were to be guided by Associations to Remake Folk Customs (minfu sakkokai) along the lines of the administration.　Where the sub-village level organization of Agricultural Implementation Associations was created before that of the buraku shinkokai, such as Takao (Kao-hsiung) Prefecture, it was Agricultural Implementation Associations (rather than the buraku shinkokai) that acted as the cell units for the Movement.　The case of Taichu (Taichung) Prefecure, it seems, was a result of compromise, and implementation in eastern Taiwan was loosely observed. 　　To conclude, I argue that the buraku shinkokai was created partially to reinforce─not replace─the coordination of existing local groups; thus police administration in transportation, social order, and sanitation remained the responsibility of the hoko.　In this way, the Movement to Remake Folk Customs was designed mainly to improve local "enlightenment," despite the fact that the range of the movement was intended to be all-inclusive. Finally, the examination of two crucial geo-administrative units, hoko (pao-chia in Chinese) and oaza, begins to explore the question of how a buraku should be defined.

Keywords：hoko (pao-chia), Kokumin Seishin Sodoin Undo (Movement for the General Spiritual Mobilization of All Japanese), Minfu Sakko Undo (Movement to Remake Folk Customs), nogyo jikko kumiai (Agricultural Implementation Association), oaza (sub-village zo

Abstract：
　　This article examines the activities of the Taiwan Development Company (TDC) in Indochina during the 1930s and 1940s. It uses the concept of subimperialism to explore corporate expansion into Indochina, the significance of the company's business ventures there, and the impact of overseas expansion on relations between Taiwanese and Japanese employees. 　　Subimperialism occurs when actors on the imperial periphery pursue expansion to advance their own interests rather than those of the imperial metropole or of the empire as a whole. The TDC and its sponsor, the Taiwan Government-General, wanted both to monopolize economic development projects in Indochina and to exploit the French colony's natural resources for the development of Taiwan. These aims put them in conflict with corporate and government interests based in the imperial metropole back in Japan that were also attempting to exploit Indochina. 　　TDC business ventures in Indochina were also significant in that they unified two policies that the Japanese colonial regime in Taiwan had pursued separately before the 1930s: the economic development of Taiwan and the extension of Japanese influence into the neighboring regions of South China and Southeast Asia. The TDC was the institutional reification of these twin goals of policy in Taiwan. 　　Finally, expansion into Indochina changed the relationship between Taiwanese and Japanese TDC employees, drawing them closer together and transforming the Taiwanese employees from colonial subjects to adjunct imperialists in the Japanese domination of Indochina.

Keywords：Colonial Taiwan, French Indochina, Imperialism, Subimperialism, Taiwan Development Company