Abstract：
This article explores how the Spaniards depicted the ethnic groups at Keelung and Tamchuy according to an anonymous manuscript which Charles Boxer named “Manila MS.”. The manuscript is a late sixteenth-century Spanish work with over a hundred custom images of East Asia. Through bringing together related Chinese, Dutch, and Spanish primary sources on Taiwan’s aboriginal documents in the early modern period, and analyzing the text and narrative structure of the Keelung and Tamchuy pictures, the author argues that the descriptions of Keelung and Tamchuy reflect the Spanish and Chinese perspectives on the trade and geopolitical situation of Taiwan waters in the late sixteenth century. The article concludes by outlining how the relationship between the Chinese, the Spanish, and aborigines in Taiwan developed and explains the circumstances facing the Spaniards in Taiwan waters during the 1590s.

Keywords：“Manila MS.”, Cheylam, Tamchuy, Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, Geographical Cognition

Abstract：
During the late nineteenth century, the overseas Chinese in Fujian and Guangdong regions on the one hand enjoyed the benefits of western nationals with their legal foreign identity; and on the other hand were immune from disadvantages imposed upon foreigners because of their Chinese roots. The concept of nationality seemed to have little relevance to one’s identity or loyalty. Rather, it served as an instrument for gaining benefits. Sharing the same attitude of these overseas Chinese in China, the Han Taiwanese ‘opted’ for Japanese nationality under the 1895 treaty between China and Japan. Hence, they enjoyed tax exemption and extraterritoriality as Japanese nationals in China. Desiring for the same benefits, some local Chinese posed themselves as Japanese nationals from Taiwan. Following China’s legislation on nationality in 1909, lots of controversies arose between Japan and China over the nationality and legal treatment of Taiwanese with Japanese nationality in China. In 1910, the Japanese authorities took measures to confirm the nationality of Japanese nationals from Taiwan and intentionally allowed many local Chinese to attain such legal status so as to increase Japanese influence in China. Under Japanese rule, the Taiwanese in China could actually enjoy legal treatment as Japanese nationals. Their lawsuits would be tried by Japanese consuls in China, without interference from the notorious Chinese judiciary, and re-tried by the court in Taiwan after 1921. Even those Taiwanese who fled to China out of dissatisfaction with Japanese colonial rule were still overseen by the Japanese authorities because of their Japanese nationality. As Japanese nationals, the Taiwanese asked the Japanese authorities to protect their interests in China, and in turn the Japanese authorities also asked the Taiwanese to perform their duty as loyal subjects of the Imperial Empire. During World War II, many Taiwanese assisted the Japanese military authorities and even sacrificed their lives. However, some Taiwanese in China out of personal interests sought to become Chinese nationals. Across the strait in Taiwan, Chinese nationals, who shared the same language and culture with the Taiwanese, also enjoyed different legal treatment and extraterritoriality. Nevertheless, the social status of overseas Chinese nationals in Taiwan was not high; hence, the general public had little desire for pursuing the Chinese nationality. On the other hand, Taiwanese had no loyalty toward Japan either. They were treated as second-class nationals under Japanese rule. As a whole, Taiwanese during the Japanese colonial era had no country of their own and felt little nationalistic sentiments regardless of whichever legal nationality they had.

Keywords：Nationality, Taiwanese Nationals, Extraterritoriality, Consulate Adjudication, Overseas Chinese

Abstract：
During the Japanese colonial era, Taiwan underwent rapid changes and fierce conflicts were not only evidenced at political and social levels in the public domain but also reflected in the family lives and familial interactions of the private sphere. Research on the traditional literati during that period has focused mainly on the public issues and studies on their private sphere are relatively scarce. With reference to the newly discovered “Diary of Fu Xiqi”, this paper explores his familial interactions and examines his family values to shed light on his personal characteristics and the transformation occurring in this epoch. This paper is organized as follows. After the introduction, Section 2 gives an overview of his family life as described in the diary. Section 3 then discusses the interactions between Fu and his parents, wives and children; and Section 4 analyzes the significance of these interactions. Preceding the final conclusion, Section 5 contains a comparison between Fu and his contemporaries of the Li poetic organization to reveal how traditional literati interacted with their families.

Keywords：Fu Xiqi, Li Poetic Organization, Diary Research, Traditional Literati

Abstract：
There exist two opposing camps offering explanations for why most plains tribes were not granted official recognition of their tribal status. On the one hand, the exclusion camp argues that most plains tribes were left out in the identification of aboriginal status in the 1950s. On the other hand, the renunciation camp advocates that most plains tribes gave up being registered as aboriginals themselves. Nevertheless, contemporary aboriginal status follows completely the official identity granted during the 1950s. In view of the above controversy, this article seeks to clarify the contexts and the process of the official identification of tribal status. Evidences from historical records indicate that shanbao were originally the Takasago aborigines and did not include the plains tribes. Nevertheless, the government had offered the plains tribes an opportunity to be registered as pingdi shanbao. During the census held in September 1956, more than 20,000 people responded that they were of the plains tribes but were subsequently absent from the registration of pingdi shanbao for reasons unknown. Perhaps, they were not informed of such registration or they did not identify themselves as Takasago aborigines. Nevertheless, failure to be registered as pingdi shanbao does not mean they lose their identity as aborigines. To resolve the controversy over their identity would require a broader framework than the current process for official recognition of aboriginal identity.

Keywords：Takasago, “Shanbao (Mountain Compatriots)”, “Pingdi Shanbao (Mountain Compatriots in Plain Area)”, Ethnic Identification, Census