Abstract：
The Chiang Ch’ao-feng family of Hsin-chu is important in the history of Taiwan due to its achievements in frontier land reclamation in the Ch’ing dynasty. Chiang Ch’iao-feng and his family moved to Taiwan between the Yung-cheng and the Chien-lung periods. They settled at Hung-mao Port ( today’s Hsin-heng Hsiang, Hsin-chu Hsien ) and worked as tenant farmers. In pursuit of prosperity, his sons including Sheng-chih and others moved to Chiu-chiung-lin (today’s Chiung-lin Hsiang), a remote mountainous area first opened up to the Han immigrants, during the mid-Chien-lung reign. The Chiang family prospered with this new opportunity of land reclamation:Chiang Sheng-chih became the tenant head of Chiu-chiung-lin and his nephew Hsiu-luan participated in the reclamation of Chiu-chiung-lin and Hsu-chi-in ( today’s Chutung City) and organized the famous “Chin-huang-fu Land Reclaiming Service,”a cooperative organization joined by Fukienese merchants in Chu-chien (today’s Hsin-chu City) with the Ch’ing government’s support for reclaiming the lands in today’s Pei-pu, Pao-shan and other areas. Since then, the offsprings of the Chiang family had been actively involved in the reclamation of mountainous area and become a large land-reclaiming family in Hsin-chu. Through their efforts in land reclamation, the Chiang Ch’ao-feng family accumulated a significant amount of wealth and privileges. Making use of their wealth and status, they actively participated in public affairs and earned the recognition of the local government to establish their local leadership as and influential landing family in Hsin-chu. Within several generations, the Chiang family has developed from tenant farmers to a leading land-owning family. The major reason for their success may be attributed to the capable leadership of their family heads who not only integrated the different needs of frontier environment and established a sound relationship with the government, but consistently maintained an aggressive spirit in progressing the reclamation efforts. On the other hand, the Chiang family remained to be a local family without further development due to the following limitations: (1)there were not enough family members and many of which died young; (2) while continuing developing the new reclaimed areas, they neglected to win higher imperial ranks and reputations; (3) the moving to the remote Pei-pu area resulted in the limitation of their development due to the mountainous geographical setting; (4) they failed to adapt to the late Ch’ing governmental policy changes and thus lost the new opportunity for development. In conclusion, the case of the Chiang family illustrates the success as well as the limitations of a practical land-reclaiming family that continued to pursue development and earn profits in newly reclaimed area of frontier Taiwan and has thus become an important example of the Han Taiwanese entrepreneurship in the Ch’ing dynasty.

Abstract：
Still a frontier region of the Ch’ing dynasty, Taiwan in the nineteenth century was a highly commercialized, agricultural immigrant society. The Lin family of Lung-ching played a major role in the integration of the peasant society of central Taiwan. They combined agricultural production, military organization, and industrial investment to pursue security and stability for the economy and society. There were three characteristics of their land management : production with an ecnomy of scale, full employment of labor, and reciprocal social relations between patron and client. The Lin family was also successful in manipulating traditional lineage and kinship institutions. All these factors contributed to their success in land management and is an example of the cultural innovations of the Han Chinese in Taiwan.

Abstract：
The operation of Taiwan’s land tenure system during the Japanese colonial period depended on contracts, customs, a guarantee system, and an arbitration system. Contracts and customs regulated the relationship of landlords and tenants, while the guarantee and arbitration systems were for making contracts or obligations executed. These four factors have different natures, and thus can perform different functions. Before the mid-1920s, when land tenure disputes were not frequently seen, these four factors operated in the following ways. First, customs played the main role in regulation. Second, most of the tenants and landlords constructed their relationship through oral contracts. Third, when Tenants failed to pay rents, most landlords in central and northern Taiwan used key-money as a guarantee of rents. Finally, small disputes were cleared up by the services of temporary rural committees. Very big disputes were resolved by civil procedures, and other disputes were settled by the mediation services offered by local governments. From the late 1920s on as disputed became widespread, written contracts, key-money, and guarantors played more important roles. Morever, the arbitration service provide by the land tenure improvement parties became a very important new force in this era. The main conclusion is that the ability of Taiwanese to associate each force of the land tenure system with different ways in different conditions made the system operate smoothly.

Abstract：
This article traces the effects of two families on the urban development of Pan-ch’iao: the Lin family during the Ch’ing dynasty and the period of Japanese rule; and the Liu family during the postwar period. These two families are analyzed using Gottdiener’s conception of “growth coalition competing for urban resources and interests.” The two case studies demonstrate that the success or failure of a family depended upon its relationship with the state. In the case of patronage relationships, the families were endowed with managerial power by the state, through which they controlled urban resources and manipulated their spatial locations. The development of the city of Pan-ch’iao was closely related to the growth of these two families. The Lin family adopted a passive strategy of cooperation with the state, engaging in the development of frontier land, through which they became the biggest landlord in the late Ch’ing period. The close relationship between the Lin family and the state helped the city of Pan-ch’iao develop, as financial resources were made available for urban construction due to the close Lin-Ch’ing political ties. The old central district especially benefited from the relationship between the Lins and the local bureaucracy. This pattern of political and economic partronage continued until the eve of the Japanese invasion of South China. After the Japanese occupation of the region, the Lin family was invited to participate in the Japanese economic investment in China during the Sino-Japanese War. This fact was responsible for the KMT’s labeling the Lin family as “traitors.” In contrast to the established position of the Lin family, the Liu clan rose to prominence in the postwar and civil war period (1945-1949). The political and economic situation was much different for the Liu family than it had been for the Lins. The KMT was not as aggressive in accumulating capital as the Japanese had been, nor were the KMT armies alien occupiers as were the Ch’ing. The Liu family could not rely on passive political patronage from the state as had the Lins. Therefore they were forced to actively seek KMT sponsorship. In the economic field the Liu family formed alliances with other families in order to compete for urban capital, and in so doing developed a new political/business center in the city. The result was the district of Chiang-tze-ts’ui, which became a twinned central district of Pan-ch’iao after the 1950s.