The paper takes the position of history of post-nationalism and further explores that of spatial identity, which presents not a colonial experience but also a local history other than that out of the post-colonial national ethos. It takes the case of East Taiwan and argues that the presence of the Dutch East India Company or VOC over there since 1638 facilitated the emerging dominance of Pimaba. The Dutch-Pimaba coalition in East Tawian is a matter of geography, resulting from the remoteness of the area away from the headquarters of the VOC on the southwestern part of the island. The VOC, therefore, adopted a strategy heavily relying on the support of local inhabitants to expand and consolidate their influence, and the Pimaba residents turned out to be the candidate fitting into the scheme. In addition to the mutual political collaboration and military alliance, the VOC-inaugurated East annual landdag (oostelijke landdag) after 1652 also strengthened the political geography createdby the Dutch-Pimaba basically inherited the geography of subservient villages left by the earlier Dutch-Pimaba coalition and became the emerging local authority in East Taiwan until the 19th century.
Keywords：Pimaba, VOC, history of post-nationalism, spatial identity
Instead of beginning from 1860 A.D. with the opening of commercial ports as claimed in previous research, the emergence of the atmosphere of extravagance in Taiwan can be dated back to the early years when it became part of the Qing Empire. The prevailing sumptuous style of living continued to spread and last throughout the Qing rule. In those days, the general public led luxurious lives, and spent lavishly on food, clothing, housing, means of transportation, weddings and religious services. Features noted in the opulent lifestyle are as follows. (1) Extravagant pursuits that used to be exclusive for the upper class could be enjoyed by people of the middle and lower class. (2) Contrary to the traditional belief that female should not be allowed to go around and be seen in public at will, they now appeared in rich attire and heavy make-up everywhere on the streets. (3) Businesspersons tried to imitate the clothing style of those with official ranks. (4) People tended to show off, compare and compete in their daily consumption. (5) Peer influence and rivalry fostered the spread of the atmosphere of extravagance, widening the gap between the urban and rural areas. (6)Pursuit of fashions was prevalent among the public. (7) Imported goods were the main luxurious commodities for consumption. (8) Measures introduced by regional officials to curtail the widespread trend were proved to be futile.
Reasons accounting for the emergence of such atmosphere of extravagance in Taiwan included (1) influence of the customary habits and value system of the Mainland immigrants, (2) wealth and prosperity brought by economic development since the Cheng era and thriving marine trade, and (3) Taiwan being the source of constant food supply at low price, thus enabling its residents to have higher disposable income with surplus wealth for luxurious consumption.
Keywords：extravagance, luxury, consumption, everyday life, the general public, Qing Taiwan
Network Relations of the Taiwan Development Company Limited (1936-1945)
Established in 1936, the Taiwan Development Company Limited (TDCL) had its headquarters located in Taipei with branches in major South East Asian cities. During the Second World War, the TDCL served as an instrument of the Taiwan Government-General (Taiwan Sotokufu) in its imperial expansion and economic control of the colonized territories. The TDCL had investments in numerous areas, including forestry and agriculture, fishery, real estate, mining, construction, transportation and commerce. With an initial capital of 30 million yuan, the TDCL succeeded in multiplying its wealth such that when the war ended in August 1945, its financial assets exceeded 135 million yuan. How the TDCL managed to increase its assets several folds in less than a decade merits further investigation. On the basis of the large archive of documents left behind by the TDCL, this article provides a factual analysis of the educational qualifications, working experience and social background of the management level of the TDCL from the perspective of the interpersonal relationship and behavior of enterprises. Moreover, the social activities organized by the TDCL and its methods of networking, as well as how the Japanese government made use of national resources to aid and control the TDCL are also discussed.
Keywords：The Taiwan Development Company Limited, Taiwan Government-General (Taiwan Sotokufu), interpersonal relationship, terms of contract, imperialism.
Identification and Transformation of Plains Austronesians, 1895-1960: Based on the “Racial” Classification of Household System and Census
The household registry system of colonial Taiwan was closely associated with the police and ho-ko (poa-chia in Chinese), and the colonial regime utilized the data collected through census as a tool to control Taiwan. This paper traced the origin and transformation of the household registry system in Taiwan under Japanese rule. It was found that household surveys conducted prior to 1905 focused mainly on social control and security. In 1905, the first island-wide census was launched which laid the foundation for the current household registry system.
The racial classification employed in the census registry portrayed the social reality of colonial Taiwan. The different racial categories demonstrated not only the co-existence of ethnic varieties, but also the ambitious control of the colonial regime. The 1950s saw the drastic transformation of ethnic identities when the Plains Aborigines gave up their original identity and became assimilated as Han Chinese. Only until the 1990s did the Plains Aborigines resume their own ethnic iedentity.
The paper emphasizes the context regulating racial classification during the colonial period in order to clarify the issue of postwar identification of Plains Aborigines.
At the end of WWΠ, over 20,000 Formosans were living on the island of Hainan. Although the Executive Yuan of China had declared all Formosans to be Chinese in January 1946( actually effective as of 25th October 1945), neither the local administration or the provincial government had any idea of how to treat the Formosans with the new identity. Were they ‘subjects of our enemy’ or ‘comrades of the same nationality’? The local government looked upon the Formosans as of Japanese nationality. Because of their role played in Japanese invasion of Hainan before and during WWΠ, the Formosans on Hainan were put into war-prison camps, and subjected to severe treatment, such as poor medical care and short food rations. All Formosans on Hainan harbored the wish of returning to Taiwan, which was eventually granted through arduous struggle and with the support of people in Taiwan. The main aim of this article is to piece together the experience of the Formosans in war-prison camps on Hainan from 1945-1947. In addition, the policy and method of repatriation of the Nationalist Government towards the Formosans were also examined.