Abstract：
With Taiwan opening ports to foreign trade in 1858-1860, the export of Formosan camphor increased gradually, peaked in 1870, but declined and sank almost into oblivion by 1885. As a result, Japan surpassed Taiwan in being the chief producer and exporter of camphor. Situation changed when Liu Ming-chuan, the then governor of Taiwan, launched his campaign of “opening up the mountains and pacifying the aborigines” in 1886. Lin Chao-tung not only implemented Liu’s policy but also recommended monopolization of camphor production and marketing. Through his work at the Pacification and Settlement Bureau in central Taiwan, Lin contributed to revive the camphor industry. Current literature on the relationship between Lin Chao-tung and the camphor industry lacked first-hand accounts and often contained erroneous information borrowed indiscriminately or rumors from unreliable sources. This article, with reference to the recently discovered “Lin’s Archives of Wufeng” and existing documents, attempts to explore and reconstruct the related significant historical facts. The exploration focuses on four main aspects: the background of the joint venture between Lin and Butler & Co., the evolution of their collaboration during the free-trade period, camphor production and marketing under Lin, and Lin’s contribution to the development of camphor industry. The findings are as follows. Firstly, some previous studies claimed that Lin owned the monopoly of camphor, which was quite misleading and should be corrected. During the Monopoly Period (1886-1890), Lin played a leading role in maintaining the state-monopolized camphor production and marketing in order through his post in the Pacification and Settlement Bureau in central Taiwan and his military force, Tung Army. After the camphor was open to free trade in 1891, Lin startrws investing in the industry and collaborated with foreign companies in camphor export. Secondly, two factors contributed to the joint venture between Lin and Butler & Co. in camphor trade. One was the soar in global demand of Formosan camphor, especially with the rise of chemical industries in Germany. The other was Lin’s important role in the campaign of “opening up the mountains and pacifying the aborigines” and his own investment in camphor industry. His support was indispensable to foreign merchants who sought to obtain a substantial and steady supply of camphor. Thirdly, the joint venture between Lin and Butler & Co. is now confirmed to be of three years lasting from 1891 to 1893. However, whether there was any unauthorized business dealing between them in 1890 or whether some camphor merchants under Lin continued cooperating with Butler & Co. need to be further examined. Contrary to what has been said in present works, the real reason why they terminated their collaboration was the request from Butler & Co. for price reduction. Fourthly, with Butler & Co. out of the picture, Lin made his own investment in camphor production and marketing. He established Fu-Yu-Yuan Company in 1894 and cooperated with other foreign companies in camphor export. Finally, prevailing appraisal of Lin’s role in camphor industry of Taiwan tended to be negative. While most previous works depicted that Lin monopolized the camphor industry, this article highlights his contributions toward the revival of camphor industry after it hit rock bottom in 1885. On the one hand, Lin’s implementation of the “opening up the mountains and pacifying the aborigines” policy was the turning point. On the other hand, the stationing of Tung Army in the mountain areas maintained order and fostered the production of camphor. Eventually, soar in camphor production revived the camphor industry and by 1893 Taiwan regained the status from Japan as the leading global producer and exporter of camphor.

Keywords：Lin Chao-tung, Liu Ming-chuan, Mountain-opening and Barbarianpacification, Camphor Industry, Pacification and Settlement Bureau of Central Taiwan, Tung Army, Ying-Feng Company (Ge Zhu-xuan), Yu-Feng Company (Chen Ru-zhou), Camphor House, Butler & Co.,

Abstract：
This paper attempts to explore the migration experience and trace the footsteps of Ozaki Kouko, a Japanese female poet with colonial experience, from the perspectives of gender and social stratification. The paths, motivations, images and significance of the migration of middle-class Japanese women from the Russo-Japanese War until the 1920s are examined. Born in 1897 to a merchant family of the old middle class in Fukushima, Kouko witnessed the decline of her family business following the Russo-Japanese War, leading to the diaspora and migration of the family. A relative that left for Taiwan would become a pioneer for Kouko, who later migrated to Taiwan herself. During World War I, Kouko became one of the numerous youth who, against the backdrop of emerging industrialization in metropolitan areas, left the countryside for Tokyo to seek their livelihood. Kouko herself became a working woman. Owing to her merchant family background, she lacked cultural capital and hence sank into the mid to lower working class in the developing capitalist metropolis. After getting married, her social class changed once again as she became the new middle class. From the rural to the metropolitan; from a working career to marriage life, Kouko already had rich experience in geographical migration and social mobility long before her departure for Taiwan. After marriage, Kouko’s life became more stable. Despite opposition from her family, she headed for Taiwan for self-actualization and in pursuit of her dream in becoming a writer. Kouko’s existing family networks, her teenage reading experience in the 1910s, the New Women Thought Movement, and boom in literature after the expansion of female education were driving forces behind her migration to colonial Taiwan. In colonial Taiwan, Kouko focused on composing tankas, founded a female social group, with livelihood in mind, independent of any other official women’s groups, and formed a circle of middle-class women. Colonial life, experiences and nature nurtured the creative talent of Kouko and enriched her writing. Taiwan was where her dreams were fulfilled, a foreign land that became her home and the launch pad of her writing career. Her male relatives who went over to Taiwan all obtained informal employment within the colonial government system, revealing the formation of the colonial new middle class. Kouko, as a case in point, illustrated the commonality of the colonial experience of middle-class women: migration supported by social connections and rare interaction with Taiwanese society. Colonial Taiwan served only as a platform for self-enrichment and upward movement on the social ladder. In contrast to women that assisted men in opening up new territories under imperial expansion; Kouko’s migration was not only beyond the framework of “wise wife and good mother”, but also independent of the “nation”. Kouko’s case was a woman figure influenced by the New Women Thought Movement opted to migrate and leave home in pursuit of self-actualization and personal aspirations.

Keywords：Japanese Colonial Era, Migration, Middle Class, Ozaki Kouko, New Women, Japanese in Taiwan

Abstract：
With reference to The Diary of Ng Ong-Seng, this paper analyzes the observations, choices, actions and thoughts of Huang Wang-cheng in the 1920s and discusses how and why Huang, as a local Taiwan intellectual, engaged in political and social movements initiated by overseas students from Tokyo. While everyone has different living environment, background knowledge and thinking, through analyzing one’s personal factors, life experiences and social contexts would shed light on how one would deal with and make choices in face of significant historical events. In terms of personal factors, unfair treatments suffered by Taiwanese under Japanese colonial rule were not only the main reason why Huang resigned from the public elementary school, but also inspired his strive for equality. Therefore, when Huang worked for Tsai Lien-fang’s family in Taichung as a tutor and asset manager in the early 1920s, he paid close attention to and supported the Taiwan Parliament Petition League Movement. Moreover, through the social network of the Tsai family, he became acquainted with the core members of the Movement such as Lin Hsien-t’ang. Huang returned to his hometown Hsinchu in 1925, thereafter served as a speaker of Taiwan Cultural Association and a journalist of The Taiwan Minpao. In this way, he could provide steady income for his family while pursuing his own ideals. As for life experiences, Huang, when working in Tsai family, also made friends with Qian Ze-shen, a youth from Nanjing. His acquaintance with Qian fostered in him a habit to speak Mandarin and interest in vernacular literature. Qian also provided him knowledge of the situation in China. These life experiences later became invaluable assets for Huang when he got involved in political and social movements, wrote articles and commentaries on the then political situation in East Asia. Regarding social contexts of the 1920s, first of all, The Taiwan Minpao containing articles primarily written in vernacular literary style grew into an important journal that represented the aspirations of Taiwanese and instigated public opinion. Huang’s creole writing style, which was a mix of vernacular Taiwanese, Japanese and Mandarin endowed him with an opportunity and a unique qualification for being employed by The Taiwan Minpao. Secondly, the 1920s saw a large number of libraries set up as ‘reading facilities’, a symbol of modern civilization. Against such background, Hsinchu Library of Hsinchu State became an important channel through which Huang gained access to new information and knowledge. What he learnt from reading was then passed onto the readers of The Taiwan-Minpo through the articles he wrote.

Keywords：Huang Wang-cheng, Social Observation, The Taiwan Minpao, Intellectual Resources, Reading Facilities

Abstract：
This study discusses the subsequent inflow of Japanese investments following the signing of the Taiwan-Japan trade agreement in September 1950. Early investments from Japan were continuation of business networks established during the colonial era, while later investments were new ventures for economic benefits. As a defeated nation of WWII, Japan underwent economic restructuring. By the 1950s, Japan had become the largest economic power in Asia. During the same time, Japanese investments focused on the profit of business and industrial markets, and on introducing mature technology to Taiwan. This was in contrast to Japanese investments in other Southeast Asian countries, which were mainly for economic cooperation as a form of war compensation and were channeled through the government as investment in infrastructure. The zaibatsu capital which dominated distribution of goods between Taiwan and Japan during the colonial era assumed a new role in the post-war period. It was like a multinational enterprise setting up branch offices in different countries. The Taiwan government held a rather passive attitude toward the inflow of Japanese business investments, which to some extent could easily be replaced by domestic state-owned or private trade enterprises. The National Security Bureau had first thought of assessing the anti-communist stand of the Japanese businesses as the criterion for approving their investments in Taiwan. However, such plan did not work out partly because of the difficulty in evaluating political inclination of businesses and the dependence on Japanese capital for economic development. Through joint venture and technology transfer, Japanese industrial capital launched production of goods sold to both the government and the military sector. On the one hand, the Taiwan government implemented industrial policy that guaranteed a basic market for Japanese investments. On the other hand, it also imposed rules and restrictions on the inflow of capital and technology from Japan so as to protect local enterprises. During the 1950s when Taiwan received U.S. Aid, some Japanese investments were channeled into Taiwan through supply of raw materials and technology under the umbrella of the U.S. assistance scheme. However, rules and restrictions imposed on U.S. Aid forced Japanese investments to resort to their own global distribution network for entry into Taiwan.

Keywords：Japanese Investments, Taiwan-Japan Economic Relations, Foreign Direct