With Taiwan opening ports to foreign trade in 1858-1860, the export of Formosan
camphor increased gradually, peaked in 1870, but declined and sank almost into oblivion
by 1885. As a result, Japan surpassed Taiwan in being the chief producer and exporter of
camphor. Situation changed when Liu Ming-chuan, the then governor of Taiwan,
launched his campaign of “opening up the mountains and pacifying the aborigines” in
1886. Lin Chao-tung not only implemented Liu’s policy but also recommended
monopolization of camphor production and marketing. Through his work at the
Pacification and Settlement Bureau in central Taiwan, Lin contributed to revive the
Current literature on the relationship between Lin Chao-tung and the camphor
industry lacked first-hand accounts and often contained erroneous information borrowed
indiscriminately or rumors from unreliable sources. This article, with reference to the
recently discovered “Lin’s Archives of Wufeng” and existing documents, attempts to
explore and reconstruct the related significant historical facts. The exploration focuses on
four main aspects: the background of the joint venture between Lin and Butler & Co., the
evolution of their collaboration during the free-trade period, camphor production and
marketing under Lin, and Lin’s contribution to the development of camphor industry. The
findings are as follows.
Firstly, some previous studies claimed that Lin owned the monopoly of camphor,
which was quite misleading and should be corrected. During the Monopoly Period
(1886-1890), Lin played a leading role in maintaining the state-monopolized camphor
production and marketing in order through his post in the Pacification and Settlement
Bureau in central Taiwan and his military force, Tung Army. After the camphor was open to free trade in 1891, Lin startrws investing in the industry and collaborated with foreign
companies in camphor export.
Secondly, two factors contributed to the joint venture between Lin and Butler & Co.
in camphor trade. One was the soar in global demand of Formosan camphor, especially
with the rise of chemical industries in Germany. The other was Lin’s important role in the
campaign of “opening up the mountains and pacifying the aborigines” and his own
investment in camphor industry. His support was indispensable to foreign merchants who
sought to obtain a substantial and steady supply of camphor.
Thirdly, the joint venture between Lin and Butler & Co. is now confirmed to be of
three years lasting from 1891 to 1893. However, whether there was any unauthorized
business dealing between them in 1890 or whether some camphor merchants under Lin
continued cooperating with Butler & Co. need to be further examined. Contrary to what
has been said in present works, the real reason why they terminated their collaboration
was the request from Butler & Co. for price reduction.
Fourthly, with Butler & Co. out of the picture, Lin made his own investment in
camphor production and marketing. He established Fu-Yu-Yuan Company in 1894 and
cooperated with other foreign companies in camphor export.
Finally, prevailing appraisal of Lin’s role in camphor industry of Taiwan tended to
be negative. While most previous works depicted that Lin monopolized the camphor
industry, this article highlights his contributions toward the revival of camphor industry
after it hit rock bottom in 1885. On the one hand, Lin’s implementation of the “opening
up the mountains and pacifying the aborigines” policy was the turning point. On the other
hand, the stationing of Tung Army in the mountain areas maintained order and fostered
the production of camphor. Eventually, soar in camphor production revived the camphor
industry and by 1893 Taiwan regained the status from Japan as the leading global
producer and exporter of camphor.
Keywords：Lin Chao-tung, Liu Ming-chuan, Mountain-opening and Barbarianpacification, Camphor Industry, Pacification and Settlement Bureau of Central Taiwan, Tung Army, Ying-Feng Company (Ge Zhu-xuan), Yu-Feng Company (Chen Ru-zhou), Camphor House, Butler & Co.,
Migration and Colonial Experience of Ozaki Kouko: A “Middle Class” in Pursuit of Dreams within the New Woman Thought Movement
This paper attempts to explore the migration experience and trace the footsteps of
Ozaki Kouko, a Japanese female poet with colonial experience, from the perspectives of
gender and social stratification. The paths, motivations, images and significance of the
migration of middle-class Japanese women from the Russo-Japanese War until the 1920s
Born in 1897 to a merchant family of the old middle class in Fukushima, Kouko
witnessed the decline of her family business following the Russo-Japanese War, leading
to the diaspora and migration of the family. A relative that left for Taiwan would become
a pioneer for Kouko, who later migrated to Taiwan herself. During World War I, Kouko
became one of the numerous youth who, against the backdrop of emerging
industrialization in metropolitan areas, left the countryside for Tokyo to seek their
livelihood. Kouko herself became a working woman. Owing to her merchant family
background, she lacked cultural capital and hence sank into the mid to lower working
class in the developing capitalist metropolis. After getting married, her social class
changed once again as she became the new middle class. From the rural to the
metropolitan; from a working career to marriage life, Kouko already had rich experience
in geographical migration and social mobility long before her departure for Taiwan.
After marriage, Kouko’s life became more stable. Despite opposition from her
family, she headed for Taiwan for self-actualization and in pursuit of her dream in
becoming a writer. Kouko’s existing family networks, her teenage reading experience in
the 1910s, the New Women Thought Movement, and boom in literature after the
expansion of female education were driving forces behind her migration to colonial
In colonial Taiwan, Kouko focused on composing tankas, founded a female social
group, with livelihood in mind, independent of any other official women’s groups, and
formed a circle of middle-class women. Colonial life, experiences and nature nurtured the
creative talent of Kouko and enriched her writing. Taiwan was where her dreams were
fulfilled, a foreign land that became her home and the launch pad of her writing career.
Her male relatives who went over to Taiwan all obtained informal employment within the
colonial government system, revealing the formation of the colonial new middle class.
Kouko, as a case in point, illustrated the commonality of the colonial experience of
middle-class women: migration supported by social connections and rare interaction with
Taiwanese society. Colonial Taiwan served only as a platform for self-enrichment and
upward movement on the social ladder. In contrast to women that assisted men in opening
up new territories under imperial expansion; Kouko’s migration was not only beyond the
framework of “wise wife and good mother”, but also independent of the “nation”.
Kouko’s case was a woman figure influenced by the New Women Thought Movement
opted to migrate and leave home in pursuit of self-actualization and personal aspirations.
Keywords：Japanese Colonial Era, Migration, Middle Class, Ozaki Kouko, New Women, Japanese in Taiwan
Social Observation, Political Participation and Intellectual Resources of Huang Wang-cheng in 1920s
With reference to The Diary of Ng Ong-Seng, this paper analyzes the observations,
choices, actions and thoughts of Huang Wang-cheng in the 1920s and discusses how and
why Huang, as a local Taiwan intellectual, engaged in political and social movements
initiated by overseas students from Tokyo. While everyone has different living
environment, background knowledge and thinking, through analyzing one’s personal
factors, life experiences and social contexts would shed light on how one would deal with
and make choices in face of significant historical events.
In terms of personal factors, unfair treatments suffered by Taiwanese under
Japanese colonial rule were not only the main reason why Huang resigned from the
public elementary school, but also inspired his strive for equality. Therefore, when Huang
worked for Tsai Lien-fang’s family in Taichung as a tutor and asset manager in the early
1920s, he paid close attention to and supported the Taiwan Parliament Petition League
Movement. Moreover, through the social network of the Tsai family, he became
acquainted with the core members of the Movement such as Lin Hsien-t’ang. Huang
returned to his hometown Hsinchu in 1925, thereafter served as a speaker of Taiwan
Cultural Association and a journalist of The Taiwan Minpao. In this way, he could provide
steady income for his family while pursuing his own ideals.
As for life experiences, Huang, when working in Tsai family, also made friends
with Qian Ze-shen, a youth from Nanjing. His acquaintance with Qian fostered in him a
habit to speak Mandarin and interest in vernacular literature. Qian also provided him
knowledge of the situation in China. These life experiences later became invaluable assets
for Huang when he got involved in political and social movements, wrote articles and
commentaries on the then political situation in East Asia.
Regarding social contexts of the 1920s, first of all, The Taiwan Minpao containing
articles primarily written in vernacular literary style grew into an important journal that represented the aspirations of Taiwanese and instigated public opinion. Huang’s creole
writing style, which was a mix of vernacular Taiwanese, Japanese and Mandarin endowed
him with an opportunity and a unique qualification for being employed by The Taiwan
Minpao. Secondly, the 1920s saw a large number of libraries set up as ‘reading facilities’,
a symbol of modern civilization. Against such background, Hsinchu Library of Hsinchu
State became an important channel through which Huang gained access to new
information and knowledge. What he learnt from reading was then passed onto the
readers of The Taiwan-Minpo through the articles he wrote.
Keywords：Huang Wang-cheng, Social Observation, The Taiwan Minpao, Intellectual Resources, Reading Facilities
Re-establishment and Adjustment of Taiwan-Japan Economic Relations in 1950s
This study discusses the subsequent inflow of Japanese investments following the
signing of the Taiwan-Japan trade agreement in September 1950. Early investments from
Japan were continuation of business networks established during the colonial era, while
later investments were new ventures for economic benefits. As a defeated nation of WWII,
Japan underwent economic restructuring. By the 1950s, Japan had become the largest
economic power in Asia. During the same time, Japanese investments focused on the
profit of business and industrial markets, and on introducing mature technology to Taiwan.
This was in contrast to Japanese investments in other Southeast Asian countries, which
were mainly for economic cooperation as a form of war compensation and were
channeled through the government as investment in infrastructure.
The zaibatsu capital which dominated distribution of goods between Taiwan and
Japan during the colonial era assumed a new role in the post-war period. It was like a
multinational enterprise setting up branch offices in different countries. The Taiwan
government held a rather passive attitude toward the inflow of Japanese business
investments, which to some extent could easily be replaced by domestic state-owned or
private trade enterprises. The National Security Bureau had first thought of assessing the
anti-communist stand of the Japanese businesses as the criterion for approving their
investments in Taiwan. However, such plan did not work out partly because of the
difficulty in evaluating political inclination of businesses and the dependence on Japanese
capital for economic development.
Through joint venture and technology transfer, Japanese industrial capital launched
production of goods sold to both the government and the military sector. On the one hand,
the Taiwan government implemented industrial policy that guaranteed a basic market for
Japanese investments. On the other hand, it also imposed rules and restrictions on the
inflow of capital and technology from Japan so as to protect local enterprises.
During the 1950s when Taiwan received U.S. Aid, some Japanese investments were
channeled into Taiwan through supply of raw materials and technology under the
umbrella of the U.S. assistance scheme. However, rules and restrictions imposed on U.S.
Aid forced Japanese investments to resort to their own global distribution network for
entry into Taiwan.
Keywords：Japanese Investments, Taiwan-Japan Economic Relations, Foreign Direct