Abstract：
Today there are still some positive reminiscences of the so-called red hair barbarians among Taiwanese aborigines throughout Taiwan, although the Dutch colonists left Formosa more than three hundred years ago. Interestingly, the Dutch colonial territory of that time, insofar as some researchers have indicated, was primarily situated in the southwest part of Taiwan. Why do people beyond this area up till now still possess such remembrances? How can we interpret this matter then? In this article, I first analyze a certain Dutch song, which some Paiwan aborigines claim was taught to their forefathers by the Dutch. I then prove the lyrics of this song actually originated from a song written in 1887. Nevertheless, I do not think that the Pai-wan people are purposely fabricating the story. They really experienced contact with the Dutch in the early modern era. In addition to employing the VOC archives, I deliberately devote a great deal of space to identify the antecedents of contemporary place names, which are impossible to discern today. Afer doing this, I can not but state that many aborigine legends regarding the Dutch are not all fiction. With the help of these legends, we can reconstruct the history of a people without history. Finally I also go further to agree with an extant thesis: If Taiwan aborigines began to possess their idea of an imagined community prior to the present century, it might be traced back to the year 1644, the first regular convening of Landdag, the land assembly day which took place that year, when most aboriginal Taiwanese headmen initially got together to encounter the foreign ruler.

Abstract：
Before the arrival of Han Chinese settlers, Taiwan was an island with the plains aborigines ( P’ing-p’u Tsu 平埔族) living in the western plains area, and the mountain aborigines ( Kao-shan Tsu 高山族) scattered among the foothills and mountain regions. Confronting the Chinese settlers in a struggle for survival, some aborigines initially resorted to means such as head-hunting or armed resistance. However, these efforts proved largely futile in the face of the superior strength of the Chinese. Most of the native people choose between two options: accept the sinicization process, which most did, or move on to new lands in order to seek out a new life, the route taken by a minority. The fact that many plains aborigines soon submitted to the pressures of sinicization is often attributed to government policies, as well as Chinese economic and cultural pressures. On the other hand, some groups, such as the An-li tribes (An-li she 岸裡社), after having undergone the process of sinicization, a hundred and fifty years later accepted Christianity (in 1871) and were also influenced by Japanese culture after 1895. This article explores the process of sinicization and the multifarious cultural character of Ta-she village, one of the An-li tribes, settlements, by focusing on its different appearances. It describes and analyzes the history of the An-li tribe, the development and transformation of Ta-she settlement, and the ways in which the native people adjusted to various non-native cultures. The influences of Chinese, western, as well as Japanese cultures are discussed in order to understand the question of native cultural transformation between 1715 and 1945. Using various historical data, I examine the socioeconomic and cultural impact of these non-native cultures on the An-li Ta-she tribe and try to illustrate the limitations of the conventional sinicization concept. This paper offers a case study of the formation and development of Ta-she village, an aboriginal settlement, with focus on its appearance during the Ch’ing Dynasty. The establishment of Ta-she village began with the migration of Ma-shu Chin-she in order to govern the other An-li tribes. Because of excellent topography, nice weather and copious water resources, the tribe chose Ta-che as a place to settle down. In presenting a detailed description of the process of settlement and the appearances of the village, I have discovered the following unique phenomenon: Judging from the different appearances of Ta-she village, we can see an example of non-native cultural influence on “aboriginal settlement”. Not only its connotation but the process of diversity of appearances, sinicization is just one pattern of change of culture. This special case represents an important exception to the usual model. Facing the powerful non-native cultural, in particular, Han culture, the aborigines had a limited number of options in terms of how they could respond. In theory, cultural development is always dominated by superior groups during the process of contact and interaction among these cultural groups. But the case of the An-li tribe discussed in this article indicates that the conventional concept of sinicization can not cover the phenomenon of encounter and interaction between An-li Ta-she and non-native cultures. The article shows that the tribe maintained its own initiative and choice in the face of external forces and non-native culture.

Abstract：
This article is a reconstruction of local Taiwan history hat emphasizes the importance of combining both historical sources and ethnography. By formulating both types of data, I attempt to provide a new understanding of the socio-historical processes crucial to the development of the Sant’iao-Yenliao area prior to the 18th Century, a period known as the “illiterate era.” Inter-ethnic contact, Han village expansion, and other main historical events are but three of the distinct features of the history of the greater Tanshui-Sant’iao region. In this article, I argue that the last thirty years of the Ch’ien Lung reign era (1765-1795)comprise a crucial period in the historical development of the Sant’iao-Yenliao area. Prior to the 18th Century, local society, in which the Sant’iao aborigines were the dominant group, is properly characterized as “illiterate.” After that time, Han Chinese migrated into the area in large numbers, established villages and formed their own migrant society. From a macro perspective, I reconstruct the fundamental features of Sant’iao native society, describe its socio-historical phenomena, and analyze the mutual interaction of both throughout several periods: prehistory, the Spanish and Dutch occupations, and the early Ch’ing Dynasty.

Abstract：
In order to exercise an effective control on the use of rinya( forests and fields which was unregistered, whether under reclamation or un-reclaimed), in the early phase of Japanese colonial rule, the Government-General of Taiwan implemented its rinya management policies in two steps. Because the land records had been damaged during wartime, the Government-General encouraged Taiwanese occupants to provide original documents proving their possession of rinya during the Ch’ing period and then apply for an extension of these rights from the new government. In doing so, the government succeeded in establishing an accurate cadastral record on rinya. In addition, a legal act issued in 1895 granted the Government-General the ownership of unclaimed rinya. This law provided the Government-General with the legal basis to prohibit illegal reclamation as well as the right to redistribute unclaimed rinya. In the subsequent step in the following year, the Government-General issued, in a more complete form, a variety of laws regulating rinya transfer, which greatly facilitated its management of rinya. The case of Ta-k’o-k’an analyzed in this paper reveals that local rights on rinya were recognized by the colonial government in various stages of rinya management. Meanwhile, the law did not deprive natives of the right to reclaim rinya. In the period of reconstructing cadastral records, the native reclaimers obtained an extension of their rights. Rather than possessing ownership rights, the reclaimers acquired the right to reclaim the field. The people who reclaim was allowed to transform his reclamation rights in full ownership rights under the condition that the reclamation would be completed in due time. Applicants were required to open the land for cultivation in a shorter period of time compared to the previous reclamation patents granted by the Ching government. This measure ensured a more efficient regulation of rinya. Rinya owners who failed to provide valid land title documents were also allowed to legalize ownership after a symbolic payment to the government. Taiwan was in a state of chaos when Japanese colonizers landed. The colonial administration was greatly disturbed by this social disorder. Moreover, colonial rule induced alarming financial pressures on the central government in Tokyo. In order to stabilize local society quickly, expand tax incomes, and pacify mountain aborigines, the colonial government adopted a preservation policy toward native rinya rights. The government tended to satisfy the interests of all parties, and in the Ta-k’o-k’an case was, in fact, impartial, with no evidence of special favors given to its compatriot Japanese capitalists.

Abstract：
The postwar compensation movement in Taiwan is not an isolated case. The movement should be placed within the context of the broader Asian compensation movement, or to a certain extent, the worldwide compensation movement today. This sudden “return to the past” simultaneously occurred in many countries. What indeed does the term “postwar reparations” ( sengo hosho; as opposed to sengso baisho, postwar repayments) mean? To what extent does Japan’s current policy toward war victims reflect the government’s acknowledgement of responsibility for initiating the war? Moreover, what is the nature of the Japanese government’s historical understanding of these issues? The case of Taiwan poses a unique question regarding the issue of war compensation, precisely because it was outside the system of postwar compensation. In 1972, Japan normalized diplomatic ties with China, thus recognizing the PRC as the sole legitimate government of China. Meanwhile, it moved to unilaterally end the 1952 Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty with Taiwan. Accordingly, Taiwanese were denied their right to government-to-government “dialogue.” Ironically, the cutting of official ties paved the way for civilian negotiations in Taiwan, which were no longer bound by Article Three of the 1952 peace treaty. The 1980s witnessed a resurgence of interest from Southeast and East Asia in Japan’s war responsibilities. The key to this changed situation, symbolic of Asia’s wariness toward Japan, lies in the issue of history textbook revision (kyokasho mondai) which emerged in August 1982. The issue of Japan’s conduct during the during the war remains an open wound between Japan and its Asian neighbors. In particular, Japan’s failue to follow Germany’s example in admitting wartime guilt has long been a source of friction. For Asian people, the textbook issue served as a “warning bell.” It was during the 1991 Gulf War, when Japan’s international role was under close examination, that the issue of postwar compensation was invoked again, which inevitably generated discourse over Japan’s war responsibilities. Korea’s invocation of the issue of “military comfort women” ( jugun ianfu), however, was the key to the postwar compensation campaign in Asia as a whole. The “comfort women” lawsuit opened a Pandora’s box of demands to re-examine Japan’s war responsibilities in the 1990s. Within the next two years, roughly twenty cases were filed by Koreans seeking war compensation from Japan. The term, “ war compensation,” which had never fully entered into public consciousness during the postwar decades, now became a catch-word, appearing again and again in journals and newspapers throughout Korea and many parts of Asia. Legislative solutions were thus necessary. With the end of the Showa era (1926-1988), the flood of lawsuits for war compensation began. Given the politicized nature of the movement, this paper will inevitably put forth more questions than answers and hopefully will suggest some areas for future research.