This paper first analyzes disputes over Taiwan’s sovereign rights in the seventeenth century. It then points out that during its early reign, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) did not make any public claim of its sovereignty of Taiwan. It was not until the Hamada Yahyoue Incident, a trade dispute between the Dutch and Japanese, did VOC start to proclaim its governance of Taiwan. It is worthy to note that the indigenous Dika’s title” coninck van Formosa”(King of Taiwan) prevalent at that time did not refer to a real aboriginal king of the whole island, it was just a linguistic term used in diplomatic negotiation. However, one should not neglect the fact that there existed the prime tribal chief or elder in traditional indigenous society of Taiwan. This paper also reveals that the tax collected in Taiwan by the Zheng family was in fact the East and West Ocean tax collected to finance the pay of the naval officers. (Check if this is what tyou mean.) Finally, this paper highlights that aborigines in Taiwan did not play a silent role in disputes over Taiwan’s sovereign rights. During the Dutch reign, they had the choice of entering into alliance with the powers or to refuse cooperation, and maintained to some extent their cultural and political autonomy. When the Koxinga Zheng Cheng-gong invaded Taiwan, the Siraya people chose to remain neutral while other indigenous tribes opted for defiance and fought bravely against the invaders.
Keywords：Dutch East India Company(VOC), Hamada Yahyoue Incident, Koxinga, East and West Ocean tax, Siraya
Utilization of Fuel and Development of Fuel Industry in Qing Taiwan
As fuel is an important material in daily life, its acquirement and utilization is thus a significant subject of research in life history, economic history as well as in environmental history. This paper first examines how fuel was consumed and traded in Qing Taiwan, and then traces the development of the wood-for-fuel industry. Four major types of fuel, namely straw, timber, charcoal and coal, were used in Qing Taiwan. Among them, straw was used mainly by people engaged in agricultural production. With the rest of the population using timber and charcoal, the consumption demand for timber and charcoal thus constituted the main market of fuel in Qing Taiwan. During the reigns of Emperors Tongzhi(同治) and Guangxu(光緒), the consumption of timber per capita was around 0.9-1.0ton.
Since the mid-Qing Dynasty, increase in population led to further growth in the market of fuel. However, decrease in natural forests caused the price of fuel to soar. In particular, towards the end of Qing Dynasty, the demand of fuel increase rapidly because of the growing need for roasting tea leaves. Under such circumstances, the planting and sale of Taiwan acacia, an alternative source of fuel, emerged as a new industry, which promised significant profits. Consequently, the wood-for fuel transformed from a necessity of the poor into a business for opportunists, and finally became a new venture for colonial capitalists. Many rich businessmen and landlords in central and northern Taiwan joined the affordstation industry, and such development initiated a new trend toward capitalization of the fuel industry in Taiwan.
Under the Japanese colonial rule, Taiwan and Japan shared many cultural legacies, such as five-seven syllables ballads and pentatonic scale. During the “Kominka movement” (transforming Taiwanese people into Japanese imperial subjects), Japanese rulers even rewrote lyrics of Taiwanese popular songs in Japanese. Despite such similarities and policy of assimilation, Taiwanese popular music had shown an unambiguous propensity in its development to distinguish itself from Japanese Enka.
However, in the early postwar period, Taiwanese in their pursuit of being assimilated embraced Japanese Enka with great enthusiasm. At that time, both Taiwan and Japan were undergoing similar social transformation marked by rural-urban labor migration under rapid economic growth. A number of Japanese “ Urban Enka” were adopted, recomposed and became popular in postwar Taiwan. It is worthy to note that these “ reproductions” from Japanese Enka were characterized by high social realism and had undergone further refinement in the process of localization. Compared with their original version, “Taiwanese Enka” depicted even more vividly the pain, sadness, loneliness, helplessness and anxiety of the Taiwanese migrant workers.
Taiwanese Urban Enda quickly became popular island-wide, yet only among the local Taiwanese and not the Mainlanders. These two ethnic groups differed in language spoken, social status and occupations held. The Mainlanders would hardly understand or be touched by Taiwanese Urban Enka, whose theme was mainly social imparity. Instead, in the early postwar year, the Mainlanders introduced Mandarin popular songs, filled with compliments of a prospering Taiwan. Nevertheless, after the 1970s, Mandarin popular songs were also recomposed from Japanese Enka, giving rise to “Mandarin Enda”. Japanese, Taiwanese and Mandarin Enka all shared similar melodies but what the lyrics depicted widely differed. While Taiwanese Enka retained the resentment of the weak, as in Japanese Enka, Mandarin Enka focused on the theme of love. Such contrast between Taiwanese and Mandarin Enkas was not resulted from differences in culture or language, but the political structure with uneven distribution of social resources among the ethnic groups.
The intermingling of the three types of Enka in Taiwan epitomizes the coexistence of post-colonial, re-colonial andante-colonial situation in Taiwan. Under the intricate political atmosphere, while Mandarin Enka was a cultural dissemination phenomenon, Taiwanese Enka in contrast emphasized the social plight faced by the local ethnic under the new rule of the Mainlanders, and the need of the local Taiwanese for self-reconstruction through highlighting differences in similarities.
Since then, Taiwanese Enka has become an essential part of the local literary experience, and has been repeatedly utilized in literary and political discourses, serving as an icon of and source of nourishment to local Taiwanese culture. On the other hand, Mandarin Enka has become part of Taiwanese people’s collective memories of popular culture.
Keywords：similarities, differences, urban enda, recognition of inequality, the resentment of the weak
From 228 Incident to White Terror : A Case Study of Ma-dow Lee
Appointed as Governor of Taiwan in 1949, Cheng Chen began his high-handed governing policy with the aim to stabilize the country. Anyone under suspicion of spying and harboring subversive thoughts were arrested or taken into custody. As a result, cases of insurrection and rebellion abound in the 1950s and 1960s. In particular, those involved in the 228 Incident became the main targets for arrest. From the 228 Incident to the subsequent White Terror, the history of Taiwan entered a dark age marked with oppression, persecution and injustice.
Ma-dow Lee, a native form Tainan, had been very involved in farmers’ unions and cultural associations ever since the Japanese colonial days. After World War Π, he became an active member of the Communist Party and attempted to stage armed rebellion against the Nationalist government during the period of the 228 Incident. After the failure of this insurrection, he continued to organize people from all walks of life including intellectuals and civil servants to form dissident groups. He was ranked top on the most wanted list of the intelligence agency. He was arrested in February 1952 and executed in July the following year. His death marked the dissolution of underground organizations and a severe setback to the Communists in Taiwan.